. 5fJ 



5fJ 



/ THE RECENT REVOLUTION; 

^ JTS CAUSP:S and its consequences, and the duties and HESI'ON- 
, SIBILITIES WHICH IT HAS IMPOSED ON THE PEOPLE, AND 
KSPECIALIA' THE YOUNG MEN, OF THE SOUTH. 



\ 



i^DDRESS 



ALEXANDER H. H/STUART, 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



LITERARY SOCIETIES 



OF THE 



TJISriVERSITY OF VIRailSTI^, 



JUNE 20, 1866. 



RICHMOND: 

PRLNTED AT THE EXAMINER JOR OFFICE. 

1866. 



THE RECENT REVOLUTION: 

ITS CMrSES AXD ITS rONSF-QUKNCES. AM) TIIK IMTIKS AN]) HKSI'OXSIHI I.ITK- & 

WUini IT TI,\S IMPOSKI) ()\ THK I'KOCl.i;. AM) KSI'FJCl AIJ.V 

TIIK VdCNf; M|.;v. ,,p tiii-: SitCTM. 



ADDRESS 



ALEXANDER H. H. STUART, 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



L I T E R A R 'i S C I E T I E S 



or THE 



IJiSriVEKSITY OF VIRQINIA., 



a/ 
richmond: 

T-RTNTED AT THE EXAMINER JOR OFFirE. 

1866. 



ri^ 



^a^)^iH 3h;i 






' T A^ 



f T'^ T / 



CORRESPONDENCE 



UNIVP:R.SITY of VIRG[NIA, Jlnk 29, 1866. 



Hon. ALKX. H. H. STLAUT, 

Dear Sir: 

In the name, and in belialf of the Literary Societies of tlie Univei'sity, which we repre- 
sent, we tender to you our thanks for tlie very altle address which you delivered this morn- 
ing, and we trust tliat it will be agreeable to you to place in our hands a cojiy fur publi- 
cation. 

With our best wishes for your welfare, we have the houor to be. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servants, 



MICAJAH WOODS, 1 

J. H. LEWIS, I Committee 

J. N. DUNLOP. } of the 

A. FRED. I-LEET, | Washington Society. 

S. T, PHILLIPS, J 



JXO. W. DANIEL, ] 

JOS. BRYAN, Committee 

D.MAY, \ of the 

E. W. EARLY, I Jeft'erson Society. 

R. RIVES, 



UNIVERSITY OP VIRGINIA, .Ji'ke 30, 1866. 



(lENTLEMEX : 

I have had the honor to receive your note of the 29th inst., requesting a copy 
of the address which I delivered yesterday before the Literary Societies of the University, 
for publication. 

I cheerfully place the manuscript at your disposal. You will perceive that my object 
in preparing the address was to present important facts connected with the history of our 
country, and to suggest topics worthy of the serious consideration of the American people. 

If it shall be the means, in any degree, of allaying sectional animosities, and restoring 
harmony and good will among discordant portions of our population, I shall feel that it ha* 
not been spoken in vain. 

In conclusion, I beg you to accept my acknowledgments for the many acts of kindnesa 
and courtesy which I have received from yourselves and others, during "my sojourn at the 
University. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

ALEX. H. H. STUART. 

• To Messrs. Woods, Oauiel, &c. 



G 

first pause in tlic storm to take new observations, to ascertain bow far we bave 
drifted, and to deteriuiue by wbat means we can regain our true position, and 
recover our constitutional rigbts. 

To tbis end, I propose to occupy tbe bour allotted to me in presenting for 
your consideration some practical views of tbe recent revolution ; its causes and 
its consequences, and tbe duties and responsibilities wbicb it bns imposed on 
tbe people, and especially tbe young men of tbe Soutb. 

If, in tbe progress of my remarks, I sball bave occasion to refer to unpalatable 
facts, T beg you to believe tbat I sball be impelled to do so in no wanton spirit, 
but by a strict regard to truth and justice. 

It is not an uncommon mistake to assume tbat tbe institution of slavery was 
tbe cause of tbe late war. Probably a majority of tbose, both North and 
South, who have not given tbe subject thoughtful consideration, entertain this , 
opinion. But, in my judgment, it is a grave error, and one wbicb demands 
refutation. The attention of tbe country is now anxiously addressed to the 
great duty of healing the wounds which have been inflicted on tbe body politic. 
To do so thoroughly and effectually tliey must be probed to the bottom, and tbe 
true seat and extent of the disease ascertained. 

In my opinion it would be quite as correct to afiirm tbat the tax on tea was 
tbe cause of the war of 177G, as tbat slavery was the cause of the war of 1861. 
Both sprang from far wider and deeper causes. Both were the growth of many 
years, and the results of combinations of many causes, and the tax on tea in the 
one case, and the apprehended interference with slavery in the other, were 
merely the occasions for the development of tbe logical consequences of those 
causes. Both wars originated in the contests for political power. Both were 
conflicts arising from antagonistic ideas, and discordant systems of political 
philosophy and economy, and both were destined to occur, in some form or 
other, irrespective of the tea tax or slavery. If these pretexts, or occasions for 
development, had not presented themselves, others, equally adapted to the 
purpose, would bave been readily found. 

To obtain a just and comprehensive view of the true causes of the late war, 
and of the troubles which still afflict tbe country, it is necessary to recur to 
some important facts connected with the rise and progress of the diff'erent 
colonies on the continent of Nortii America. 

Although this continent was discovered as early as 1497, for reasons which I 
need not enumerate no successful effort was made to found a British colony on 
it until 1607. It is true, that during the reign of Elizabeth, some feeble but 
abortive efforts were made to establish a settlement on tbe coast of North 
Carolina. 

In 1606 the attention of the English public was earnestly directed to the 
colonization of America, and James I. divided tbe vast region lying between 
the 34th and 45th parallels of latitude, then known as Virginia, into two dis- 
tricts of nearly equal extent. The first was called the Soutb Colony of Vir- 
ginia, and the second tbe North Colony. A charter was granted to Sir Thomas 
Gates, Sir George Summers, and their associates, generally residents of London, 
by which they were authorized to settle any part of the South Colony, and ac- 
quire title to the land along tbe coast fifty miles from their first location, and 
extending one hundred miles into the interior. 

The Northern district was granted, with similar privileges and rights of pro- 
perty, to a company of knights and gentlemen of Bristol, Plymouth, and other 
parts of tbe west of England. 

The two companies thus created, prepared without delay to comply with the 
terms of their respective charters. 



''A vessel dfone'hundred tons, and two barks, were equipped by the London 
company, and sailed in the early part of 1G07, under command of Capt. New-- 
port, with one hundred and five men, destined to settle permanently in the 
Southern district. After a tedious voyage of four months, Newport entered 
the Chesapeake, and kcepins; along the Southern shore, sailed up the river 
which the natives called Powhatan, but to which he gave the name James, 
which it now bears. Having discovered an island or peninsular in the river, 
about forty miles from its mouth, he selected it as the future home of the 
colony, and having founded a village, called it Jamestown. This spot, though 
nothing but the ruins of an ancient church and a few mouldering monuments 
erected by pious hands as memorials of the dead, remain to mark the place 
where the town once' stood, must ever be memorable as the oldest liJibitation of 
the English in the New World. 

The company wliich was authorized to settle the Northern district also fitted 
out a ship, about the same time, witli a view to establish a C(ilony in the terri- 
tory granted to them ; but, unfortunately, this ship was captured by the 
Spaniards. H^ 

In 1607, a partial settlement was made under the authority of this company 
at Sagahador, now Kennebec, in Maine, but it was soon abandoned in conse- 
quence of the rigor of the climate. Discouraged by these failures, the North- 
ern company made no further effort for some time to occupy the country, but 
contented themselves with fitting out expeditions to fish along the shores of 
(/ape Cod, and to trade with the Indians. 

One of these expeditious was commanded by the renowned ('.-iptain John 
Smith, whose name became afterwards so intimately and honorably associated 
with the history of Virginia. Although Smith's adventure proved successful, 
his ardent and ambitious spirit required more congenial occupation, and leaving 
the fishing grounds, he spent a large portion of his time in exploring the coast 
southward, and acquiring full and accurate knowledge of its bays and 
harbors. 

On his return to England, he laid a map of the country which he had 
visited before Prince Charles, with such glowing descriptions of its beauty and 
excellence that the young Prince, in the warmth of his enthusiasm, declared 
that it should be called '' New P]ngland," the name which was thus substituted 
for that of Virginia, and by which it still continues to be known. 

Notwithstanding the flattering accounts of Smith, the Bristol-Plymouth com- 
pany found it difficult to induce colonists to encounter the dangers and priva- 
tions incident to the settlement of a new and distant country. But what a re- 
gard for private interest or public utility could not effect, was accomp'ished by 
the influence of a higher and stronger principle — that of religion. 

When the alleged abuses of the Church of Eome prompted the nations of 
Europe to disclaim her authority and withdraw from her communion, the mode, 
as well as the degree of the separation, was by no means uniform. In some it 
was violent and entire ; in others, gradual and partial. Calvin and his follow- 
ers were the advocates of thorough reformation, in form and doctrine, while the 
great body of the English clergy favored such changes only as were necessary 
to remove abuses, but were unwilling to abandon those forms of worship which 
they regarded as decorous and appropriate in themselves, and venerable for 
their antiquity. 

Differences of opinion on these points led to angry controversies, folfewed by 
cruel persecution. Laws were passed by the British Parliament, requiring rigid 
conformity to the ritual prescribed by the established church, under severe pen- 
alties. The effect of these laws was to compel the more zealous non-conformists 



8 

to leave their country, and to seek asylums in towns and cities on the continent, 
where more liberal ideas prevailed. 

A body of these exiles, who, with their pastor, John Robinson, had fled from 
persecution in England, sought and obtained an asylum at Leyden, where they 
remained for some years. But, floding that by the death of aged members, 
and intermarriage of the younger with Dutch families, they were likely to lose 
their distinctive organization and spiritual excellence, they determined, if pos- 
sible, to migrate to the Northern part of the continent of America, where they 
would be a 'separate and peculiar people, and be free to worship God according 
to their own cherished forms. 

Availing themselves of the anxious wish of the Plymouth company to estab- 
lish a permanent colony within their territory, they applied for permission to 
make a settlement in New England. This was rea'dily granted, but with no 
distinct or positive assurance of religious toleration. 

On the ()th September, 1G20, a company of one hundred and twenty persons, 
a part of the congregation of Mr. Robinson, sailed from England in a single 
ship, called the May" Flower, on this arduous and peplous enterprise. Their 
destination was the Hudson river, but their captain having (as is alleged) been 
bribed by the Dutch, who desired to plant a colony .there, carried them so far 
North that the first land which they saw was Cape Cod. They were thus trans- 
ported to a district not only outside the limits of the territory which had been 
granted to them, but beyond the jurisdiction of the company from which they 
derived their right. The season was so far advanced, and they had sufi'ered so 
much by sickness during the voyage, that they were obliged to leave their ship 
and take up their abode on that inhospitable coast. xVfter exploring the shore, 
they determined to settle at a place which they called New Plymouth, and pro- 
ceeded to establish a system of ecclesiastical and civil govornmcnt to suit their 
own peculiar views. The doctrines and forms of the church of Geneva were 
retained, and the laws of England, with important modifications, were adopted 
as the basis of their civih government. 

This was the first permanent settlement made by British authority on the 
coast of New England. 

A city of refuge was thus established on the Western ('outin> ut, and as the 
spirit of persecution continued to increase rather than diminish in England, 
thousands of the victims of tyranny and oppression flocked to it to enjoy unre- 
stricted liberty of conscience. As"the population increarsed they gradually ex- 
tended their settlements, and established themselves at Salem, Boston, Charles- 
town, Dorchester rnd Roxborough. 

By the terms of the amended charter which was granted by ('harles I. to the 
emigrants, the Executive power was vested in a Governor and bis assistants, 
and the legislative authority in the body of the proprietors. But so far from 
extending toleration on religious subjects to the emigrants, this charter expressly 
required that the oath of supremacy should be administered to every person 
who should pass to the colony or inhabit there. 

Although these terms had been asssented to by the emigrants, they did not 
hesitate to disregard them and to establish their church to suit themselves, and 
on a basis entirely opposed to the English system. 

About the same time they ventured to disregard their charter, in a matter of 
greater moment, ivhich affected all the future operations of the colony, and con- 
tributed greatly to form that peculiar character by which the people of New 
England have ever been distinguished, " A law was passed declaring that none 
shall hereafter be admitted freemen, or be entitled to any share in the govern- 
ment, or be capable of being chosen magistrates, or even serving as jurymen, but 



9 

such as have been received into the church as members." — [Robertson A.M. 
vol, 7, p. 450. 

By this enactment all who did not hold the popular opinion concerning the 
doctrines of reli^rion, the discipline of the church, or the rights of worship, 
were at once cast out of the society and stripped of all the privileges of citi- 
zens. And as the uncontrolled power of approving or rejecting the claims of 
those who applied for admission into communion with the church, was vested in 
the ministers and leading men of each congregation, the most valuable of all 
civil rights were made to depend on their decision with respect to ((ualifications 
purely ecclesiastical. And as the clergy in making these decisions were re- 
strained by no fixed and definite rules or precedents, but exercised an arbitrary 
discretion, they soon acquired an influence and authority in secular matters alto- 
gether incompatible with their assumed character of humility and sanctity. 
They became the fountain of political as well as sectional power. They fixed 
the political condition of every citizen. They determined who should and who 
should not participate in the administration of public affairs. It cannot, there- 
fore, be matter of surprise that all aspirants for power or place should pay as- 
siduous court to men of such controlling influence, by affecting the sanctimoni- 
ous manners and canting dialect which were known to be the surest passports to 
their favor. 

I have thus given a brief narrative of the leading facts connected with the 
first settlement of the two original colonies, Virginia and Massachusetts. 

Dr. William Robertson, in his history of America, says: "The former in the 
South, and the latter in the North, may be considered the original and parent 
colonies, in imitation of which and under whose shelter all the others have been 
successfully planted and reared " 

There are several striking points of contrast between these colonies. While 
they are both of English origin, it will be observed that Virginia was settled 
by persons of all religious denominations, and with no reference to peculiar 
shades of religious opinion. The emigrants were drawn, originally, from all 
classes of society and all parts of the Kingdom. They carried with them to 
their new home, and adopted for their government, the great body of English 
jurisprudence, and the cardinal principles of constitutional liberty. 

New England, on the other hand, was settled by congregations, moving as 
organized bodies, drawn from particular localities, and bound together by com- 
munity of opinion on matters rather of form than of faith. The civil govern- 
ment, also, was framed not so much upon tlie English mode, as in accordance 
with their version of the Scriptures, and their peculiar notions of public 
policy. 

All the other colonies of New England were mere offshoots from Massachu- 
setts. And it is a singular fact, that each and every one of these colonies h 
the child of religious intolerance and persecution, exercised, not by England, 
nor by any foreign power, but by men of their own kindred and faith, who, 
themselves, had fled from their own native country to escape similar injustice 
and oppression ! 

Some of the facts connected with this subject are so significant, and shed so 
much light on New England ideas and New England character, that I feel 
sure you will pardon me for bringing them to your notice. 

I have already adverted to the controlling influence which the clergy of Massa- 
chusetts exercised over her political as well as ecclesiastical affairs. The pos- 
session of this great power naturally begat jealousies and rivalries among those 
to whom it was confided. Even the clergy were not exempt from ambition, and 
there were then as now demagogues among divines. Aspiring men were con- 

9 ' ' 



10 

Btantly putting forth new and in some instances absurd notions, to commend 
themselves to public favor, and thereby gain position and power. 

Roger Williams, a minister of Salem, who is represented to have been a truly 
pious and estimable but fanatical man, having conceived that the cross of St. 
George, emblazoned on the flag of Kngland, was a relic of superstition and 
idolatry, insisted that it should not be retained among a people of so much 
purity and sanctity. A violent controversy arose on this subject, and Endicott, 
one of his associates, publicly cut out the cross from the flag displayed at the 
Governor's gate. The division on this subject extended to the military, and 
some of the militia refused to follow the cross, lest they should do honor to an 
idol, while others declined to serve under a mutilated flag for fear they should 
be regarded as having renounced their allegiance to the crown of England. 
The dispute, which was protracted and angry, was finally compromised. The 
cross was retained in the ensigns of the forts and ships, but erased from the 
colors of the militia. Partly on this account, and partly in consequence of 
certain doctrines held by him which were deemed unsound, Williams was 
banished from the colony. Many of his congregation determined to follow him. 
They accordingly left Massachusetts in 1634, and proceeded southward; and 
having purchased from the natives a considerable tract of country, which they 
called Providence, they established themselves there, and fouuded the colony of 
Providence Plantations or Rhode Island. 

About this time a new light appeared in the firmament of New England in 
the person of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson. She may be regarded as the original 
advocate of the doctrine of "Woman's rights," and the prototype of the "strong 
minded women" of New J]ngland. This lady being dissatisfied with the exclu- 
sion of her son from the conferences held by the men, assembled a number of 
women at her house to engage in similar pious exercises. At first she was con^ 
tent with repeating and gently criticising the discourses of the ministers. But 
by degrees she grew more bold, and began to denounce the clergy as unsound, 
and to give utterance to the wild suggestions of her own enthusiasm. She 
taught that sanctity of life is no evidence of favor with God, and that such as 
inculcated the necessity of manifesting the reality of faith by obedience, preached 
only the covenant of works. She contended that the spirit of God dwelt per- 
sonally in good men, and by inward revelations and impressions imparted the 
fullest discoveries of the Divine will. 

The talent which she displayed in advocating her opinions, and the fluency 
with which she uttered them, gained for her many prosolytes. The whole colony 
was deeply agitated by her doctrines. Conferences were held by the church 
authorities. Days of fasting and humiliation were appointed. A general synod 
was called, and after dissensions so violent as to threaten the dissolution of 
the colony, Mrs. Hutchinson's opinions were condemned as erroneous, and herself 
banished. Many of her disciples, indignant at the intolerance thus displayed, 
seceded (if I may use the term) from the colony, and joined the settlement of 
Mr. Williams. 

Connecticut owed its origin to similar causes. About 1636, an animated con- 
test for fame and power sprang up in Massachusetts bay, between two distin- 
guished divines, Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker. Mr. Cotton having proved the 
victor in the contest, his discomfited antagonist found it prudent to withdraw 
from the scene of his defeat. Many of his admirers, and some of the disciples 
of Mrs. Hutchinson, proposed to share his exile. They selected the country 
west of the Connecticut river as their future home, and after a toilsome journey 
they arrived at their destination, and founded the towns of Hartford, Spring- 
field and Weathersfield, from which sprang the colony of Connecticut. 



n 

New Hampshire and Maine, like their sisters llhode Island and Connecticut, 
were the offspring of bigotry and intolerance. The extensive territory which 
now constitutes those States had been granted by the Plymouth colony to 
Gorges and Mason, who used earnest efforts to eSec^ settlements within their 
borders. Their success did not equal their expectations, and their enterprise 
was about to be abandoned, when they received an unexpected reinforcement 
from the prolific colony of Massachusetts. 

Mr. Wheelright, a minister of some note, nearly related to Mrs. Hutchinson, 
and one of her most fervent admirers and pirtizans, had, on this account, been 
banished from Massachusetts. In quest of a new honie he and his party ad- 
vanced northward, and founded the town of Exeter. His followers, few in 
numbers, but firmly united, were of suoh rigid principles that even the churches 
of Mas.*achusetts, did not appear to them sufficiently pure. As the population 
increased, they extended their settlements, from time to time, and thus laid the 
founc'ations of the States of New Ilampsliire and Maine. 

1 have thus, at the hazzard of being tedious, given a succinct account of the 
early history of New England. I have adopted, in the main, the language of 
Dr. Robertson and other authentic historians. I did so, because 1 believed that 
their simple narrative would give a more correct photograph of New England 
ideas and New England character than anything I could offer. 

It will be seen that I have made no reference to the persecution, banishment 
and execution of Quakers, or the burning of witches, or the enslavement and 
and sale of captive Indians. These facts are equally well authenticated, but 
they belong to a later period of history, and evidence a higher development of 
New England ideas. 

Recent events have given a new and fearful interest to these ideas ; and as a 
persistent effort is being made to force them on the country as the basis of our 
national policy, it is proper that the people should understand their full import 
and bearing. The wisest of men has said, "there is nothing new under the 
sun." Another proverb afiirms, that " history is constantly repealing itself." 
No intelligent man can fail to perceive that the narrow, dogmatic and intolerant 
spirit which is exhibited by a certain class of politicians of the present day, ia 
but a new manifestation, in a difi'erent form, of that bigotry and fanaticism 
which cast so dark a shadow on the earlier pages of New England history. He 
will also observe that "political parsons," "strong-minded women," and " pro- 
scriptive test oaths" are not inventions of modern times, but were as distinctive 
New England institutions two centuries ago as now. But while I thus hold up 
to ridicule the ideas of New England to the gaze of an indignant people, let 
me not be understood as desiring to bring indiscriminate reproach on a whole 
community. Far from it. When I speak of New England ideas, I refer to 
those which, unfortunately for the country, have obtained what I trust will be 
but a temporary ascendancy. I know that there are now large minorities in all 
the New England States who are earnestly striving to re-establish the constitu- 
tution, and restore peace and harmony to the country. It has been my fortune 
in other days to be associated in the public service with many New England men, 
and I would do injustice to my own feelings if I failed to pay a just tribute to the 
virtue, patriotism and noble character of the class which found proper represen- 
tatives in the Websters, Winthrops, Salterstalls, Pierces, Brooks, and hosts of 
others of equal worth. 

I will close what I have to say on this branch of my subject, with a brief ex- 
tract from the work of an accurate and philosophical historian, formerly con- 
nected with the University of Virginia. I allude to the late Professor George 
Tucker. In referring to the intolerant course of Massachusetts, he says, " It 



12 

would seeiu that in this colony the same pride of opinion and inflexibility of 
purpose which the Puritans had shown in bearing persecution they now exhibi- 
ted in inflicting it; — and while the recollections of former persecutions induced 
the Catholics in Maryland)* the Baptists in Rhode Island, and the Quakers in 
Pennsylvania, to grant freedom of conscience to others, in Massachusetts, under 
similar circumstances, fanaticism overpowered the sense of justice. But, in truth, 
fellow-feeling for the suff"ering from persecution could avail little against the fran- 
tic bigotry of the Puritans, which intatuation, confounding all moral distinctions, 
regards the most savage cruelty as innocent, and converts lenity and moderation 
into crime." — (Tucker's Hist. U. S. vol. 1, p. 34. 

It would occupy too much time to trace the rise of the other colonies in de- 
tail. It will suffice to say, that in all of them a more enlarged and generous 
system of toleration prevailed. In Virginia there was no disposition to inter- 
fere with the freedom of conscience or the forms of worship, except during 
the time that Cromwell wielded the English sceptre; and then the interfere 
ence was dictated exclusively by political considerations — Virginia, having 
adhered to the royal cause, was unwilling to extend favor to dissenters from the 
church of England, lest it should be construed as evidence of disloyalty to the 
crown. 

Between colonies composed of such difterent elements, and cherishing such 
opposite opinions, it cannot be matter of surprise that there should have been 
many points of antagonism. It would have been strange if it had been other- 
wise. I have already adverted to the opposite sides taken by them during the 
civil wars of England. 

Natural causes also contributed to widen the divergence between them. The 
numerous bays and inlets on the Northern coast, the extensive fishing grounds, 
the comparative sterility of the soil, and the rigor of the climate, naturally led 
the people of New England, at an early day, to turn their attention to com- 
merce, the fisheries, manufacturing, and maritime pursuits. 

The South, on the contrary, possessing a genial climate and fertile soil, pecu- 
liarly adapted to tobacco, which soon became her great staple, was almost exclu- 
sively devoted to agricultural pursuits. 

There was, consequently, but little sympathy or intercourse between the two 
sections, until common interests, springing out of a common danger of oppres- 
sion by the mother country, brought them in close relations of amity. 

In the great struggle of 177G Virginia and Massachusetts stood shoulder to 
shoulder. All narrow sectional jealousies were cast aside. Each went into the 
contest with as much zeal, energy and courage as if the result depended on her 
separate effort. Each displayed a degree of valor, endurance and patriotism 
above all praise. 

The war taught all the colonies the useful lesson, that union wms essential to 
safety. After independence had been achieved, a convention was called to form 
a more perfect Union, and to consolidate and secure the liberty vvhich had been 
won by the common efi"orts of all the colonies. In this convention the inherent 
antagonisms of interest and occupation between the two sections manifested 
themselves in various forms. Fortunately, however, a spirit of conciliation and 
mutual concession prevailed, and the Constitution of the United States, the 
great charter of American liberty, was formed, and submitted to conventions of 
the several States for ratification or rejection. 

Vigorous opposition was made to it both in Virginia and Massachusetts, but 
upon widely diff"erent grounds. The contest was close, and the issue for a time 
doubtful in both States. Finally the Convention of Massachusetts, on the 8th 
February, 1788, agreed to ratify it, by a vote of 187 ayes to 168 nays. But it 



13 

is worthy of remark that the Convention of Massachusetts incorporated into its 
ordinance of ratification the following fundamental proposition : 

*' That it be explicitly declared that all powers, not expressly delegated by 
the aforesaid Constitution, are reserved to the several States, to be by them ex- 
ercised." — Elliott's derates, vol. 2, p. 280. 

Virginia adopted the Constitution on the 25th June, 1788, by a majority of 
ten votes. She embodied in her ordinance of ratification the deck ration " that 
the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the 
United States, may be resumed by them whenever the same shall be perverted 
to their injury or oppression, and that every power not granted thereby remains 
with them, and at their will; that, therefore, no right of any denomination can 
be cancelled, abridged, restrained or modified, by the Congress, by the Senate, 
or the House of Representatives, acting in any capacity, by the President, or 
any department or officer of the United States, except in those instances in 
which power is given by the Constitution for those purposes; and that among 
other essential rights, the liberty of conscience, and of the press, cannot be 
cancelled, abridged, restrained or modified by any authority of the United 
States."— Code 1849, p. 26. 

It will thus be seen that at the outset of the Federal government, Massachu- 
setts and Virginia agreed on the important proposition that the Federal govern- 
ment was one of limited powers, and that all powers not expressly granted were 
reserved to the States or the people. 

It was not long, however, before the diversities of origin, character, manners, 
faith, modes of thought, climate, soil, occupation and systems of labor of the 
two sections to which I have alluded, produced their natural eifects, in two systems 
of civilization, and two schools of political philosophy and economy, as widely 
different as if they had sprung from distinct nationalities. 

The pursuits of the New England States led to associated effort, through com- 
panies and corporations, and required the aid of legislation and the fostering 
care and protection of the government. 

Those of the South, on the other hand, being entirely agricultural, depended 
for success mainly on individual exertion and industry. 

Again : In the ever recurring and never ending struggle between labor and 
capital, which is being waged in every community, the interests of the Ncrth 
were supposed to bo identified with those of labor, while in the South, labor being 
owned by capital, its interests were subordinate to those of capital. 

Labor called for the active intervention of government, to protect it interests 
from foreign competition. Capital demanded only the interposition of the shield 
of defensive legislation against assaults on property. 

If we bear these propositions in mind, we can readily understand why the ten- 
dency of the New England school of politics has always been to the enlargement 
of the sphere of federal power, while that of the South has been to restrain it 
within its narrowest limits. 

Here it is proper we should pause to consider the tendency of the two oppos- 
ing systems of policy. 

Consolidation is but another name for despotism. The character of a govern- 
ment is determined, not by the amount of power it posesses, but by the agencies 
through which it is exercised. The most efficient safeguard of liberty is to be 
found in the division and distribution of power among co-ordinate departments, 
which act as reciprocal checks on each other. If all power be confided to one 
department, call it by what name you may, the government is essentially despotic. 
If, on the other hand, it be distributed among different departments, such 
a government must necessarily possess some of the attributes of freedom, be- 



14 

cause each department, will, to some extent, limit and restrain the action of 
others. Under the British system, after which ours was fashioned, the powers 
of government are distributed among three departments, legislative, judicial and 
executive, which respectively enact, expound and execute the laws. 

Our compound system was wisely shaped with a view to incorporate not only 
this guarantee, but to afford an additional security to liberty, by a farther division 
and distribution of power between the State and Federal i^overnments. So long 
as this division and distribution of power can be maintained, the rights of per- 
sons and property will be safe. But, to the extent that it is broken down, and 
the powers that properly belong to one department or class of governments are 
absorbed or ursuped by another, those rights are put in jeopardy. 

Another essential safeguard of liberty, in all representative governments, is 
the restriction of the right of suffrage to persons, who, in the language of the 
Virginia bill of rights, " have a permanent common interest with and^attachment 
to the community." 

These may be regarded as the most important elements of conservatism. 

The Southern States have hitherto looked to the reserved rights of the States 
as the bulwark of freedom, and the nature of their domestic institutions has 
secured a practical limitation of the elective franchise, by excluding the mass 
of their uneducated population from all participation in public affairs. From 
these causes the policy in the South has been, in the main, conservative. 

The tendency of the New England school of politics is in the opposite direction. 
It has sought virtually to withdraw all power from the States and concentrate 
it in the Federal government. The leaders of this school profess to ignore State 
sovereignty altogether, and to regard the States as occupying relations to the 
Federal government similar to those which counties bear to their respective States. 

If this be accepted and sanctioned by the people as the true theory of our 
government, it requires no great sagacity to perceive that one of the strongest 
defences of liberty is lost. 

The next step in the march towards despotism will be the obliteration of the 
boundary lines between the several departments of the Federal government, so 
as to concentrate all power in the hands of one man or body of men. When 
this is accomplished, history teaches us that it is easy, by means of universal 
suffrage, to substitute an imperial despotism for a republic, which has ceased to 
exist, except in name. 

These great truths should be deeply impressed on the public mind. Constant 
vigilance is the price of liberty. The people should scan with jealously the acts 
of their representatives, and indignantly frown on every attempt to violate the 
great principles which lie at the foundation of our institutions. 

The time for the biennial review, by the people, of the acts of the party now 
in power is near at hand, and it will be for the popular judgment to determine 
how far their conduct has conformed to or departed from the constitution, and 
whether it has administered the government with a patriotic regard for the wel- 
fare of the whole country* or with reference to the interests of a party. 

That each of the opposing schools of politicians have, at times, pushed their 
respective doctrines to unnecessary and dangerous extremes, can hardly be 
questioned. 

A single example may illustrate this proposition : 

New England desired protection, by high duties, for her fisheries, her manu- 
factories and maritime interests. The South, on the other hand) being the 
producer of two of the great staples of the commerce of the world, was naturally 
opposed to all restrictions on intercourse with foreign nations, and the advocate 
of free trade. 



15 

Here was a proper subject ol' compromise, and I have no hesitation in saying 
that a fair compromise, which would have done justice to the interests of both 
parties, should have been made. But each section adhered pertinaciously to its 
own peculiar dogma and its own local interests, and thus sectional animosity 
was inflamed. 

The North regarded the refusal of the South to grant the required protection, 
as evidence of hostility to her system of free labor, and in retalialion dec4ared 
war on the slave labor of the iSouth, which has been unrelentingly prosecuted 
ever since the overtlirow of the protective system in 1833. 

The prejudice against slavery has been fostered, not with any view to the inter- 
ets of the negro, but for the purpose of using it at the proper time as an impor- 
tant auxiliary in the contest for the ascendancy of New England politics and 
interests in the national councils. 

If then we seek fur the true causes of the war, we must look, not merely to 
slavery, but behind and beyond it. 

It was a war of conflicting opinions ; of opposing interests; of antagonastic 
systems of political philosophy and economy. 

This contest of ideas and interests commenced before the Constitution was 
formed, and continued under it, irrespective of slavery, until it culminated in 
the late war. 

But the great question as to the true character of our government — whether 
it is federal or national, has not yet been finally adjudicated. It is true that 
slavery, one of the disturbing elements, is now out of the way, but other and 
broader questions remain unsettled. A great victory has been gained by the 
advocates of consolidation, but it remains to be seen whether the triumph is to 
be final and complete. That question is to be determined by the great West — 
she holds the balance of power. 

Heretofore the West has had no definite policy of her own. Her domestic 
interests have engrossed most of her attention. She has co operated, from time 
to time, with the North or the South, as best suited her interests. Emigration, 
following parallels of latitude, or isothermal lines, has poured into the Western 
States a mixed population, with a large infusion of the foreign element. The 
time has not come for the assimilation of this incongruous population, and the 
chrystalization and full development of Western ideas and policy. But it is 
near at hand, and when it does come it will be found that the West u destined 
to give shape and direction to the politics of our country. 

I now invite your attention to some thoughts connected with the subject of 
African slavery. This institution has been so intimately associated with the 
whole framework of Southern society, and has exerted such a marked influ- 
ence on the politics of the whole country, that any review of our history must be 
incomplete which fails to give proper consideration to such an important element. 

It is not my purpose to discuss it in its moral or religious aspects. It is now 
numbered with the things that have passed, and it belongs to History. Nor 
shall I offer any opinion on the question whether freedom is to prove a blessing 
or a curse to the negro. That problem belongs to the future, and time alone 
can solve it, 

I cannot forbear, however, from saying that the census tables of 1860 reveal 
some startling facts bearing on this subject. From them it appears that the free 
negro population, notwithstanding the large accessions it has received by voluntary 
emancipation and the escape of slaves from their masters, increased but 
12 32-lOUth per cent, during the last decade, while the slave population, di- 
minished as it was, from time to time, by the same causes, increased 23 39-100 
in the same period. 



16 

It is to be feared that the statistics of 1870 will tell a mournful tale of im- 
providence, destitution and mortality among freedmen. 

My purpose is to present some historical facts connected with the- rise and 
progress of slavery on this continent, with a view to show that if it was criminal 
to introduce, maintain and extend it, a full share of the responsibility rests 
with New England. 

Slavery in America is an ancient institution. By a singular coincidence it 
happens that in 1620, the same year in which the Puritans sailed for New 
England, a Dutch ship, bound homeward from the coast of Guinea, brought to 
Virginia twenty African slave.'^i, who were sold to the planters. 

This was the beginning of slavery on our continent. At that time but a 
small district of country, in the neighborhood of Jamestown, had been cleared 
and prepared for cultivation. The rivers were choked by drift wood, the low 
lands were flooded by stagnant pools of water, and malaria, generated by decay- 
ing vegetable matter, caused fatal diseases among the colonists. 

At one time the inhabitants were reduced to a mere handful, and were so 
emaciated by famine and sickness that, in the language of the historian, " they 
resembled spectres rather than human beings." 

It was supposed that as the negro race had been reared in a tropical region, 
they would be found more capable of enduring the fatigue of field labor under a 
sultry sun than the natives of Europe, and therefore that their services could 
be advantageously employed in clearing and cultivating the rich alluvial lands 
along the rivers, and preparing them for the habitation of the white race. 

The result fulfilled the most sanguine expectations of the colonists, and 1 
hazard little in saying that the world is indebted to slavery, and the negro race, 
for the speedy settlement and marvelous growth of the American colonies. 

Ihe experiment having proved successful, further importation;? were made 
for the same purposes, not only into Virginia, but into all the colonies, North 
and South • and thus the institution overspread the whole of British America. 
African slaves had been introduced into South America, by the Spaniards, as 
early as 1503. 

I am aware that since slavery has become odious in the North, some of the 
champions of New England have denied that it ever had a legal existence with- 
in her borders. 

Mr. Sumner is reported to have asserted that " in all her annals, no person 
was ever born a slave on the soil of Massachusetts," and " if in point of fact 
the issue of slaves were sometimes held in bondage, it was never by sanction 
of any statute law of colony. or commonwealth." 

Mr. Palfrey, the historian, has also affirmed that, "in fact, no person was 
ever born into legal slavery in Massachusetts." 

These statements are not only at variance with historic facts, but they in- 
volve, by necessary implication, a wholesale stigma on the memory of the slave- 
holding Pilgrim fathers, as violators of law, wrong-doers and kidnappers. I 
feel bound to repel the ungenerous imputation. 

Authentic records are still extant, which show, not only that slavery was in- 
troduced at an early day by authority of law into Massachusetts and the other 
New England colonies, but that New England men and New England ships 
were the most active agents in prosecuting the African slave trade. 

We learn from the report of the intelligent superintendent of the census of 
1860, that " it is believed that the first slave ship fitted out in the English 
colonies sailed from Boston in 1646." 

I am indebted to the researches of Mr. Moore, the Librarian of New York, 
for some important documents bearing on this subject. He has recently pub- 



17 

lished the statute recognizing and regulating slavery, passed by the General 
Court, which was the legislative body of Massachusetts. It is in these words : 
" It is ordered by this court, and authority thereof, that there shall never be 
any bond slavery, villenage or captivity amongst us, unless it be lawful cap- 
tives taken in just wars, or such as shall willingly sell themselves, or are sold to 
us, and such shall have the liberties and christian usage which the law of God, 
established in Israel, concerning such persons, doth morally require : provided, 
this exempts none from servitude who shall ba judged thereto by authority." 

As early as 1687 the remnant of the vanquished Pequod Indians were re- 
duced to slavery in Massachusetts, and many of them were sold, as slaves, to 
Bermudas. In 1638 the Salem ship, ''Desire," brought home an assorted cargo 
of cotton, tobacco and negroes. In 1751 the nusiber of slaves in Massachu- 
sotts was ascertained by actual enumeration to be 4,489. 

It was not until 1788 that Massachusetts abolished the African slave trade, 
and the law making it penal contained a proviso saving the rights of owners of 
vessels which had sailed as slavers before the passage of the act. 

At the date of the declaration of independence, slavery existed in every 
colony of the confederation. It is true that in the more Northern colonies the 
number of slaves was comparatively small, because their soil, climate and pur- 
suits were not suited to negro labor. It was more profitable, therefore, to 
sell slaves to the planting; States than to retain them in New England. 

Those who may desire further evidence of the existence and legal protection 
of slavery in Massachusetts, may find it in tl'.e opinion of Chief Justice Par- 
sons, reported in Winchcdon vs Hatfield, 4th Mass. R. 127. The learned and 
able Judge in that case, says : " Slavery was introduced into this country soon 
after its first settlement, and was tolerated until the ratification of the present 
constitution (1780.) The slave was the property of his master, subject to his 
orders, to reasonable correction for misbehavior ; was transferable like a chattel, 
by gift or sale; and was assets in the hands of his executor or administrator. 
If the master was guilty of a cruel or unreasonabla castigation of his slave, he 
was liable to be punished for a breach of the peace, and I believe the slave was 
allowed to demand sureties of the peace from a violent and barbarous master, 
which generally caused a sale to another master. And the issue of the female 
slave, according to the maxim of the civil law, was the property of her master, 
(fnder these regulations the treatment of slaves was in general mild and hu- 
mane, and they sufi'ered hardships not greater than hired servants. 

Nothwithstanding this opinion of Judge Parsons that slavery ceased in Mas- 
sachusetts in 1780, it seems in ftict to have continued until 179t), when it was 
terminated, not by legislative action, but by a judicial decision, rendered in the 
case of Littleton vs Tuttle, a brief report of which is appended to the opinion 
of Judge Parsons. The facts of the case were these: A Mr. Tuttle owned a 
negro called Cato. Cato having become infirm, and unable to work, Tuttle re- 
fused to provide for his maintenance, and turned him over for support to the 
township of Littleton, The overseers of the town expended the money neces- 
sary for his comfort, and sued Tuttle to recover it, on the ground that he was 
bound to maintain his slave. Tuttle relied on the Massachusetts bill of rights 
in bar of the action, and, in 1796, the decision of the Supreme Court of the 
State was rendered, sustaining the defence and adjudging the negro free. The 
fact that this decision was not rendered until sixteen years after the publication 
of the bill of rights, is persuasive to show that it had not been generally un- 
derstood that the adoption of the bill of rights emancipated slaves. 

Shortly after the declaration of independence the Northern States adopted 
prospective measures to get rid of the African population. But it is a mistake 



18 

to suppose that their policy in this respect \^as dictated by any regard for the 
welfare of the negro, or that its object was emancipation. On the contrary, it 
was prompted by an enlightened self-interest, which impelled them to relieve 
themselves of a population which they felt to be an incumbrance. They had 
found by experience that the negro race was not adapted to high Northern lati- 
tudes. They therefore provided by law that all the children of female slaves 
born within their respective jurisdictions, after specified dates, should be free 
when they attained a given age. This was the extent to which they went to- 
wards emancipation. And I now challange the production of any law of any 
Northern State which conferred the boon of freedom ou a single slave in being. 
Under their legislation, all who were slaves remained slaves. Freedom was 
given only to the children of female slaves, born after the dates specified in their 
respective laws ; and it was secured to them only in the contingency that the 
owner of the female should retain hers within the jurisdiction of the States 
until the birth of the child. This legislation was extended, rather to impose a 
penalty on the master than to confer a benefit on the slave. To secure freedom 
to the after-born children, the consent of the owner of the female, indicated by 
his permitting her to remain in the State until after the birth of the child, was 
an indispensable condition. There was no legal prohibition of reznoval, for, in 
fact, removal and not emancipation was the object of the law. It was an in- 
vitation to the owners of feuiales to sell them Southward before the forfeiture 
accrued. Under these laws a wholesale slave-trade was inaugurated throughout 
the Northern States; and it is an unquestionable fact, that a large number of 
the late slaves of the Southern States are the descendants of those who were 
thus sold by Northern owners to Southern masters, with warranty of title to them 
and their increase. This policy of the Northern States was regarded as injurious 
to Southern interests; and as early as 1778 Virginia sought to protect herself 
against the influx of Northern slaves by stringent prohibitions. 

It is also worthy of remark, that Virginia was ten years in advance of Massa- 
chusetts in prohibiting the African slave trade. Her law abolishing it was 
passed in 1778, while that of Massachusetts was not enacted until 1788. 

The journals of the Federal Convention also disclose some interesting facts on 
this point. When the subject of prohibition was before the Convention, a report 
was made recommending the insertion of a clause in the Constitution making 
the slave trade unlawful after the year 1800. A motion was made to amend 
the report, by striking out 1800, and inserting 1808, so as to extend the time 
for eight years longer, during which the traffic should be lawful. On this pro- 
position. New Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Maryland, North Carolina 
and South Carolina voted in the affirmative, and Virginia, New Jersey, Pennsyl- 
vania and Delaware in the negative. — Elliott's Deb. 1, 295-G. 

The census of 1790 shows the fact that at that date there were 158 slaves in 
New Hampshire, and 17 in Vermont, and it appears from the census of 1830, 
that slaves were then reported in every Northern State except Vermont. 

It has been the fashion for the last thirty years for radical writers and orators, 
to declaim against slavery, as a system of unmitigated oppression; or to use 
their own classic language, as "the sum of all villainies." 

I think I have proved beyond question that if such be the fact. New Eng- 
land is not in the condition to cast the first stone. 

Let me now contrast the conduct of these men with their professions. 
They have heretofore maintained that slavery tended to degrade and debase the 
negro, and have assigned that as the reason of their hostility to it. But now 
they contend that the negroes, who have for two centuries been subjected to 
this system of degradation and debasement, are at this time, without further 



Hi 

delay or improvement) amply qualified to exercise the elective franchise, and 
fulfill all the high functions of American citizens, while intelligent foreigners 
are suLjected to a probation of five years! According to their own showing, 
therefore, this much abused institution has been the means of converting a 
handful of cannibal savages into an enlightened nation of Christian frcedmen, 
superior in the attributes of citizenship to the foreigner, and equal to the intel- 
ligent white men of New England I Assuming this to be true, there is no es- 
cape from the conclusion that slavery has proved itself more efficient than any 
other agency that has ever been employed to disseminate the gospel, and re- 
deem a heathen race from barbarism. 

Ilavino; now traced the causes of the war, and shown that it had its origin, 
not in slavery, but in discordant opinions and adverse interests, I proceed to 
consider some of its more prominent consequences. Before doing so, however, 
I cannot forbear from expressing my own conviction of the insufficiency of those 
causes to justify the war. I have always believed that the supposed antago- 
nisms of interest were rather imaginary than real. I have never been a believer 
in the doctrine of an " irrepressible conflict" between the interests, or the labor 
systems of the two sections. I have always thought that under the guidance of 
enlightened statesmanship and catholic patriotism all pending difficulties could 
have been, and ought to have been, adjusted without an appeal to arms. On 
wore than one public occasion I nave expressed the opinion that the diversities 
of soil, climate, production aud occupation, instead of being elements of discord 
and strife, should, by a wise and generous policy, have been wrought into bonds 
of union and strength. 

The supposed antagonism between the North and the South, rightly under- 
stood, was not necessarily one of hostility. It was rather like that of the op- 
posing sides of the arch, which gives beauty, stability and strength to the struc- 
ture which rests upon it. 

The country has been the victim of extreme opinions, goaded into fatal 
activity by mischievous appeals to local passions and prejudices. There have 
been grievous faults on both sides. The frenzy of secession now finds its 
counterpart in the madness of radicalism. 

But it is useless to repine over misfortunes that are now irreparable. We 
may recur to them, not to open old wounds or to cast vain reproaches, but to 
draw from them lessons of wisdom, forbearance and moderation for our guidance 
in the future. 

Several important propositions have been finally and conclusively settled by 
the stern arbitrament of the sword. Among them are the following : 

I. The right of a State to secede from the Union, or to nullify an act of the 
Federal legislature, must henceforth be regarded as an " obsolete idea." 

II. That all debts, confederate. State or municipal, contracted in aid of the 
war, are absolutely null and void, and must forever be ignored and repudiated. 

III. That slavery is finally and forever abolished within the jurisdiction of 
the United States, and frcedmen are to be invested with, and protected by law 
in the enjoyment of every necessary civil right. 

I have a few words to say in reference to each one of these propositions, and 
the duties which result from them. 

I. Heretofore many people in the South honestly believed that the several States 
had the constitutional right to nullify acts of Congre^^s which were not clearly 
within the scope of the granted powers, or to withdraw from the Union when-« 
ever the powers of the Federal Government were exercised in a manner which 
they deemed injurious or oppressive. These questions have now been authori- 
tatively settled in the negative; and the fact must be recognized that there is 



20 

bo middle-ground between submission to the authority of tbe Federal Govern* 
mcnt and revolution. If we find ourselves aggrieved or become satisfied that 
powers not conferred by the Constitution have been usurped, we must seek re- 
dress, not by State action, but by appeal to the tribunals ordained by the Con- 
stitution. Should oppression become intolerable we may be justified as our 
fathers were, in looking for a remedy outside of the Constitution — through 
revolution. 

II. The repudiation of all debts contracted in aid of the war is a logical con- 
se(|uence of the result of the contest. On this point there is no ground for a 
difference of opinion, and I am surprised to find that any one should think it 
necessary to require a constitutional guarantee against their payment. The 
restoration of the supremacy of the Federal constitution is of itself a sufficient 
security against their assumption or payment, for it would be absurd to suppose 
that the courts or legislative assembly would hold debts to be obligatory which 
were contracted in the eff"ort to overthrow the government. 

III. The extinction of slavery involves much larger interests and more prac- 
tical and far-reaching consequences than either of the other propositions, and 
therefore demands a more extended notice. 

The institution of slavery is dead. It has been forever eradicated from our 
social, industrial and political system, and whatever opinions we may in the 
past have held in regard to it, there are now few, if any, who would desire to 
revive it. Possibly an all-wise Providence may have ordained the change for 
our advantage. The future must supply the answer to that question. I hesitate 
not to say that it is our duty to endeavor to think so, and to conform our con- 
duct to that belief. We have consented to it, and honor, no less than a just 
regard for the general welfare, requires that we shall keep in good faith the cove- 
nants we have entered into. The people of the South elected to withdraw their 
cause from the constitutional tribunals, and to refer it to the ultimate arbiter of 
nations. The issue has been decided against them, and they must now stand 
by the award. 

The subversion of the labor system of the South is destined to produce im- 
portant changes in our social as well as our political and industrial relations. 

Accustomed as we have been from childhood to the mode of life handed 
downfromour fathers, it would be strange if we could see it pass away without 
some feelings of regret. 

Virginia society has been fashioned on the English model. A fondness for 
country life has been its distinguishing characteristic. Professional men, mer- 
chants and mechanics all looked forward with hope to the day when they could 
leave their ofl[ices, stores and shops and become landed proprietors. This was 
the object for which all labored, and when success crowned the cff"orts of thrift 
and industry, the fortunate possessors of wealth bought estates, and surround- 
ing themselves with their families and friends and servants, lived in patriarchal 
simplicity, in the exercise of a generous hospitality and the enjoyment of nil 
the pleasures of rural life. All this must now pass away. Large estates will 
be sub-divided and sold. The race of liberal, refined and cultivated country 
gentlemen — the class which was the pride of Virginia — is destined to become 
extinct, and Virginia hospitality will no longer be a proverb. A hardy race of 
yeomanry, who will till the soil with their own strong arms, will supplant the 
large landed proprietors. Lands will be improved in productiveness and value. 
The material wealth of the country will be augmented. Thrift and rigid 
economy will be substituted for the lavish expenditure and wasteful profusion of 
the ancient proprietors. Baronial mansions will go to decay, or furnish the 
material for dwellings better adapted to divided estates. Refinement, cultiva- 



21 

tion and elegant tastes will be constrained, as in the North, to seek refuge lO 
cities and towns. In a word, old things will pass away, and all things become 
new. 

To those who estimate the social condition by a financial standard, this may 
be a subject of pleasing contemplation. 

For myself, 1 do not hesitate to avow that I do not belong to this class. To 
me the open door, the blazing hearth and the warm heart of the old Virginia 
gentleman possesses a charm i'or which no increase of material wealth can sup- 
ply an equivalent. , 

Under the new system towns and cities will grow and prosper. The intellect 
of the country will be concentrated in and around them. The habits .and modes 
of thought of our people will be changed; inventive genius will be stimulated 
to action ; manufactories will spring into existence; new avenues for industry 
will be opened, and the pursuits of the people diversified. Dreamy abstractions 
must give way to a more practical philosophy ; our system of education must be 
modified so as to conform to the new condition of things. Natural and mechani- 
cal science, and the useful arts, must receive a larger share of attention. 
Chemistry, Geology, Mineralogy, Engineering, and all the branches of know- 
ledge which tend to a larger development of our physical resources and the in- 
crease of human comfort, mu;st have a more prominent position in our course of 
instruction. 

But amidst all these inevitable changes, I trust our people will be able still to 
retain many of the well-defined traits of Southern character. I trust they will 
ever retain their high sense of personal honor ; their pure standard of morals ; 
their .selfsacrificing patriotism ; their liberal spirit of toleration ; their unwaver- 
ing regard for the sacrcdness of the marriage relation ; their chivalric devotion 
to the fair sex, and their devout reverence for the Christian religion. 

There is a class of people in the North, and especially in New England, who, 
in the abundance of their charity, attribute the errors and misfortunes of the 
South to the malign influence of.slavery, and cherish the hope that, those in-> 
fluences having now been removed, a brighter future may be in store for 
us. Some, in the fullness of their zeal, meditate a missionary agency, by which 
we may be rescued from " the gall of bitterness." They profess to believe that 
slavery has dwarfed the moral and intellectual nature of the Southern people 
by fostering a spirit of indolence and inaction unfriendly to the growth and 
development of the nobler traits of human character. 

This startling proposition demands our serious consideration ; whether it be 
well or ill-founded cannot be ascertained by any known process of reasoning. It 
can be rightfully adjudged only by a reference to the tribunal of impartial his- 
tory. To that let it then be referred. 

Slavery has existed on this continent for 24() years. It had flourished 
throughout all the colonies 156 years before the Declaration of Independence. 
Surely this was time enough for it to develop its baleful influences. If so, may I 
not enquire how then does it happen that the Adamses, Warren, Hancock, Ames 
and all their illustrious compeers of the revolutionary era should have grown up 
in slaveholding New England, under the shadow of the upas tree, without hav- 
ing their moral and inteilectual nature dwarfed by its poisonous influence ? 

Let us follow the revelations of history yet further : 

When, in the gloomy years which preceded the struggle of 1776, it became 
manifest that the mother country had determined to pursue a line of policy 
destructive of the best interests of the colonies, and intolerably oppressive, who 
gave the first impulse to the ball of the revolution ? Whose tongue was it that, 
tipped with living fire, gave utterance to those thrilling appeals to the manhood 



2^ 

and patriotism of the country, which reverberated like thunder tones over the 
continent and awoke the nation to a sense of its danger and its duty — inspiring 
every heart with enthusiasm, and nerving every arm for resistance ? 

History answers, it was the voice of Patrick Henry, of Virginia ! 

When in response to these appeals the Continental Congress assembled at 
Philadelphia, and after due deliberation and a reverent appeal to the Supreme 
Judge of the world to attest the rectitude of tneir intentions, determine to pro- 
claim the colonies free and independent States, whose pen embalmed that decla- 
ration in words destined to survive the liberties it was intended to perpetuate ? 
All that was mortal of the illustrious author rests in the bosom of his native 
Virginia, within view of the spot from which I now speak to you. 

Again : when the cloud of war had burst on our suffering country, and all 
the military resources of the most powerful nation on earth were invoked to 
subdue the rebelhon, the conviction was universal that the result of the contest 
must depend mainly, under Providence, on the wise selection of a commander- 
ia chief. 

New England, speaking by the voice of the noblest of her sons, promptly 
solved all doubts on this point by the nomination of George "Washington, of 
Virginia ! 

Of him I have no word to utter, for the name of Washington is the sum of 
all eulogy. 

After independence had been achieved our patriot sires, admonished by ex- 
perience of the insufficiency of the articles of confederation, met in convention 
to form a more perfect union. The Constitution of the United States was the 
work of their hands. 

The great instrument was the result of anxious deliberation and united coun- 
sels. Many of the wisest men of the day contributed largely in forming and 
adopting it. But if we enquire who was its chief architect, few will be found 
to deny that this high honor belongs, in the largest measure, to James Madison, 
of Virginia ! 

When the Constitution had been adopted ; when, figuratively speaking, the 
Ship of State had been completed and equipped, and was ready to be launched 
for her perilous voyage on a sea already disturbed by the incipient storms of the 
French revolution, no diflPerence of opinion existed as to who should be placed 
in command., By the unanimous voice of the people, George Washington, of 
Virginia, was called to the helm. 

Having been "first in war," he now filled the measure of his glory by 
proving himself " first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen." 

In the progress of events great questions of constitutional, international and 
maritime law arose, which demanded authoritative adjudication by our supreme 
national tribunal. In regard to many of these the annals of other nations could 
furnish no guide, because the form of our government differed widely from 
theirs. It became necessary to expound the true principles of the Constitution ; 
to define with precision the boundary line between State and Federal power, 
and to build up and give proper form and shape to our whole system of 
Federal jurisprudence. 

The proper performance of these duties required a breadth of intellect, a 
grasp of thought, a power of analysis, a solidity of judgment, a purity of pur- 
pose and a weight of moral character which have rarely been united in one 
man ; yet it was the boast of the elder Adams that he had given to the United 
States a Chief Justice who combined them all, in the per&'on of John Marshall, 
of Virginia. 

I might readily extend this review, from the Revolutionary era to the present 



23 

time, and show that in every great national emergency the South has contributed 
her full quota to the intellectual treasury of our country. 

The names of Clay, Calhoun and Lowndes are inseparably associated with 
much that is glorious in our statesmanship, while the achievements of Jackson, 
Taylor and Scott have shed new and imperishable honor on our national 
arms. 

I cannot leave this branch of my subject without a passing reference to the 
men and events of the late unfortunate and ill-starred war. I invite no discus- 
sion of its political aspects. The issues involved in the war are foreign to uiy 
pre.>^cnt purpose, and I therefore for a time put them out of view. I am now 
looking for au answer to the question whether the people of the South are an 
effete race, whose moral and intellectual nature has been dwarfed by slavery ? 

There are certain mental and moral qualities which, by the common consent 
of mankind, are recognized as the standards by which we are to judge of the 
character of men. Among these are comprehensive generalship, profound 
strateg}^, dauntless courage, heroic endurance, rapidity of combination, celerity 
of movement, and vigor in striking decisive blows. These, combined with 
Christian faith, charity, humanity and spotless purity of private life, go far to- 
ward making the perfect man. 

Assuming these as the stjndards of human excellence, may I not, without 
disparagement to the merits of any, enquire (after the passions of the hour 
shall have passed away) whose names will shine with purer lustre on the page 
of history than those of " Stonewall" Jackson and Robert E. Lee r* 

Turning our thoughts now from public men and public events to less con- 
spicuous but hardly less useful benefactors of thi^ir kind, I ask, if the Southern 
people be an inferior race, how does it happen that ('yrus H. McCormick, of 
Virginia, reaps the wheat fields of the great \Vest, and that the genius of 
Matthew F. Maury, another Virginian, still guides the ships of New England 
in safety over the most distant seas ': 

I speak in no aggressive spirit — I have never been what is called a sectional 
man. I remember that during the administration of that great and good man, 
Mr. Fillmore, a member of his Cabinet at the council table used the word 
" Section" as descriptive of a district of our country. Mr. Webster immedi- 
ately corrected the speaker, and begged that the word should never again be 
used in that connection in his presence. " Section," says he, " means some- 
thing cut off, and thank God ! no part of our country has yet been cut off." 
My sympathies were with the great defender of the Constitution, for I never 
was able to understand how a dissolution of the Union could cure the evils of 
which we complained. Far be it then from my purpose to disparage the land 
of Adams, Hancock, "Warren, Dane and Webster. They are our countrymen, 
and I claim our full share of the heritage of their fame I We assert no prc' 
tensions to superiority, but we will not be content with less than c((uality I 

When the radicals of New England shall produce a brighter array of names 
than those to which I have referred, or present a nobler record of private worth 
and public service than belongs to their history, we may be willing to enquire 
into the causes of our inferiority. Until that is done, the discussion would be 
premature. The argument would precede the premises. 

We have thus f\ir dealt with the past. The enquiry now presents itself, 
" What of the future ?" 

My answer is, be of good cheer ! Let us not despond. True, clouds and 
darkness envelop the eastern horizon, but I think I see a broad belt of golden 
sky in the west, which gives assurance of a brighter morrow. 

I am therefore hopeful — hopeful of the firmness rnd patriotism of the Ex- 



24 

ecutive — hopeful of the sober second thought of the people — hopeful of the 
merciful benignity of the Great Disposer of events. 

Ileaction is the logical sequence of excess. If a pendulum be drawn too far 
from the line of gravity, its tendency is to swing to the opposite extreme. A 
similar law prevails in political affairs. 

The equilibrium of the Grovernment has been unduly disturbed. Southern 
leaders sought to deflect it too far in the direction of State sovereignty, and the 
reactionary process has carried it to the opposite extreme of consolidation. But 
we must remember there is a law of gravitation in the political as well as the 
physical world, which will in the end assert its power and restore the normal 
balance. It may be the work of time, but the result is certain, though its con- 
summation may be deferred. The passions of men are fleeting, and they sub- 
side with a rapidity proportioned to their excess. Interest, on the other hand, 
is the most powerful and enduring motive of human conduct. The American 
people cannot afford to indulge in the luxury of prolonged political excitement. 
Their interests forbid it. Too many oiher and more important matters require 
their attention. Religion, society, the pursuit of pleasure, and all the busy 
avocations of life, assert legitimate demands on their time. They cannot afford 
to minister continuously to the aspirations of party purposes of scheming dema- 
gogues. They are a practical people, and take practical views of public affairs, 
and of their relations to their private interests. 

There are too many ligaments, social, financial, political and ecclesiastical, 
binding this country together, to permit its permanent disruption without a 
violent struggle. The late war has abundantly proved this important fact. The 
people of the North profess to have fought to preserve these bonds of Union in 
tact, and it can hardly be supposed that, after the vast sacrifices of blood and 
treasure which they have made to maintain the Union, they will now pe^-mit 
this object to be defeated, and these ligaments to be severed by the machina- 
tions of selfish and insidious demagogues. The Union will be restored, and 
restored on the basis of the wise policy of the President. Old irritations will 
pass away, and old wounds be healed. Nor can I permit myself to doubt that, 
in due time, the true principles of the Constitution will be re-established. The 
extreme measures of the Radicals will be repudiated by the good sense of the 
people and meet the fate of their predecessors, of New England parentage, the 
alien and sedition laws. 

There may be some to whom it is a sore trial to return to their allegiance to 
the Federal Government. To such I have but one word to say. We learn 
from the Scripture that not even a sparrow falls to the ground without the 
knowledge of God; can we, then, believe that He was an indifferent spectator 
of the terrible strife that has convulsed our country ? Are we not, on the con- 
trary, bound to assume that we have been chastised for our sins, that He has 
directed the course of events, and ordered all things wisely and well !* 

In this connection, I beg your attention to a single thought. 

The people of the South, and of the Gulf States especially, have regarded 
the overthrow of slavery as a fatal blow to their prosperity. Viewed with 
reference to their proximate consequences, it would seem to be true. But 
statesmen must look to ulterior results, as well as those immediately before them. 

The whole number of negroes now in the South is probably four millions. 
The ratio of their increase as slaves has heretofore been, as stated, 24 per cent, 
in each decade. Assuming this ratio to be compounded at the close of each 
decade, and to continue for one hundred years, their number would be aug- 
mented to about thirty millions. 

The four millions can now be easily managed without serious danger of a 



25 

conflict of races. But suppose thirty miUlons, crowded together uiainly in the 
planting States bordering on the Gulf, who would then answer for the conse- 
Huences ? What assurance have we that such a mass of human beings could 
be held in peaceful subjection '■ Is it not more probable that a contest for the 
ascendancy of race would ensue ; that the scenes of St. Domingo would be re- 
enacted, and that those States would either lapse into barbarism or be dreoched 
in blood ? 

It is wiser, therefore, for us to believe that slavery, having fulfilled its appro- 
priate mission of opening the country, clearing the ibrests, draining the swamp.s 
and preparing the soil for the occupancy of the white race, was destined to ex- 
tinction. In this aspect its overthrow may be regarded not as a calamity, but 
as a blessing in disguise. Let us then indulge in no vain rosrets. Let us bury 
the dead past out of our sight. Let us cultivate a spirit of cheerful hopefulnest, 
and look with confidence to the luture. 

You, young ticntlemeu, have an important mission to perform. In a few years 
the responsibility of giving tone to public opinion, and direction to the pub- 
lic councils of the South, will to a large extent rest with you. A wide field of 
usefulness Ues before you. It will be for you to repair the ravages of war ; to 
open up new sources of national wealth ; to stimulate industry in all its depart- 
ments ; to explore our mines; to give active employment to our water power ; to 
build factories ; to substitute machinery for human labor ; to extend our systems 
of canals and railways ; in a word, to give full development to all the natural re- 
sources which have been so bounteously lavished on our country. 

It will be for you also to care for the unfortunate and dependant race that has 
been cast loose amongst us. Let us all remember that no blame attaches to the 
negro. They were our nurses in childhood, the companions of our sports in boy- 
hood, and our humble and faithful servants through life Without any agency 
OQ their part, the ties that bound them to us have been rudely broken. Let us 
extend to them a helping hand in the hour of their destitution. We can give 
them employment, and guide their feeble steps in the paths of virtue and know- 
ledge. Thousands who, in the first intoxication of freedom, wandered from 
their homes, have returned to seek shelter and protection from their former ma*,- 
ters. They should be received kindly, and encouraged in well doing; and we 
should spare no pains to improve their condition and <|ualify them, as far as may 
be practicable, for usefulness in our community. 

There are duties which address themselves alike to the head of the statesman, 
the heart of the patriot, and the conscience of the Christian. 

In this peaceful field you can achieve victories more glorious than those of war. 
You may do much to restore harmony and tranquility to our heretofore discoi- 
dant country. You may give new life to the industry of our people, and mul- 
tiply the sources of our national prosperity. If you will enter earnestly on the 
discharjjeof these high duties, you will earn a lasting claim to the gratitude of 
your countrymen. And although it may not be your fortune 

" The applause of listening Senates to command," 
it will be yours 

" The threats of pain and ruin to despise, 
To scatter plenty o'er a smiling land, 
And read your history in a nation's eyes." 

Most of those who are now present enjoyed with me the pleasure last evening 
of listening to the eloquent and instructive address of the representative of the 
Jefferson Society, in which he depicted with so much power and beauty the 
office and function of public opinion in every free government. 1 subscribe to 



26 

all that ha said oa that )subject; and his remarks have suggested to me pro- 
priety of adding a word in regard to the relations of the educated classes to the 
public opinion of thf country. 

Public opinion is but the result of the individual sentiments of the members 
of the community. The more intelligence, therefore, that is infused into the 
aggregate mass of opinion the higher will be its standard. 

Heretofore the educated classes have not fulfilled their duty to the country. 
They have too often sought to ascertain how the current flowed, and been con- 
tent to drift on its bosom. This is a grave error. It is the duty of the educa- 
ted classes to form and not to follow public opinion. They should be its 
masters, not its slaves. They should assail with an unsparing hand popular de- 
lusions and errors, and seek to direct the sentiment of the people into right 
channels. The vice of modern times is moral cowardice. Men who were 
created to guide the opinion of the countr^^ too often have not the courage to 
breast the popular current, and to accept the temporary defeat and disappoint- 
ment which may flow from an unsuccessful effort to do so. They too often pre- 
fer to secure station and favor by pandering to the prejudices of the multitude, 
and many of the evils which have befallen the country have resulted from this 
cause. 

Let me, gentlemen, admonish you of the danger of pursuing this course. 
True, you may secure office and the outward semblance of honor by it, but they 
are dearly bought at a sacrifice of your self-respect — of your sense of duty to 
your country. 

There can be no nobler spectacle presented than that of an honorable man, 
standing as it were alone, breasting the storm of popular passion and prejudice. 
It requires more true courage to do so than to charge a batteiy; and, in the end, 
higher honor and more enduring esteem will be the reward of this noble self- 
sacrifice. Let your rule through life be to do what your believe to be right, 
without regard to the clamor of the public ; and after the passions of the hour 
have passed away you will enjoy the richest of all rewards — the confidence of 
your countrymen, and the consciousness of duty faithfully performed. 

The people are always patriotic. They always aim to pursue the course best 
calculated to advance the interest of the country. Wh^n they err, it is from 
ignorance and not design. What a noble oflice, then, is it for the educated 
young men of the country to correct popular errors, to dispel popular prejudice, 
and to lead the public mind into those channels which best tend U) insure the 
welfare of the whole country. 



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